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                  <text>Final Projects Spring 2015</text>
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                <text>“Everything That Follows From Here On Out”: Choices in Writing the Walk in Sociology&#13;
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                <text>In my paper, I analyze the sociological use of the walk in a chapter of Small’s Villa Victoria by comparing it to other walks, including those of sociologists Robert Sampson and Elijah Anderson, Virginia Woolf’s walk in “Street Haunting: A London Adventure,” and the walk I took down Tremont Street. I start by contextualizing the walk and its mimetic difficulties with an overview of the tradition of writing about walks, which stretches from the Epic of Gilgamesh to contemporary novelists like Paul Auster. I then analyze the function of the walk in the work of Sampson and Anderson, before turning to Small to contrast his walk with that of these other sociologists. I end by highlighting the way in which Small is using the tools of literary nonfiction as outlined in Woolf’s essay to warn readers against the walk as sociological tool.</text>
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                <text>“She may ride forever ov’r the streets of Boston”: Exploring Boston’s Bus System</text>
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                <text>	In order to learn more about the different neighborhoods of Boston, I decided to study the people taking various bus routes from Harvard and record their demographics as well as their interactions with each other. I ended up taking the 86 to Sullivan Square Station, the 73 to Waverly Square, the 71 to Watertown Square, the 77 to Arlington Heights, and the 66 through to Dudley Station. I found that although the demographics of each bus ride clearly depend on the time one takes it, it’s still possible to notice certain trends at any time. The racial composition of each bus ride was fairly reflective of what is indicated by official census records in each neighborhood. Gender did not appear to matter and SES was hard to estimate from simply observing people. However, I was surprised at just how much age mattered. Although it wasn’t always the best predictor of what neighborhood we were traveling through, it often indicated information about the purpose of one’s bus trip (e.g. younger students, older retired people with time to travel during work hours, etc.). Also age factored into what people did on the bus (e.g. young people were more likely to use their phone while older people read hard copies of books or newspapers). Interactions among passengers were much more limited than I had expected and I was surprised at the stark contrast of these experiences to the times I have taken the sociable and loud T. The routes the buses take are far more residential and thus more likely to be a solitary activity. The T also appears to be taken more for fun while, based on the number of grocery bags I saw, buses are used for chores in addition to work or school. These bus commutes are worth studying since they isolate many of the variables that may get lost in the more hectic and tourist-filled T system. By further studying the people who are taking the bus and why they are doing so, not only could we learn more about each neighborhood, we could learn more about how each neighborhood interacts with others.</text>
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                <text>Virginia Marcus</text>
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                <text>&lt;p style="text-align:left;"&gt;MBTA: The Unfixable Behemoth&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>In my essay, I examine the MBTA and why it is broken both politically and infrastructure wise.  I examine and analyze why the record snowfall of 2015 led to such a collapse in service for an extended period of time while discussing some of the challenges to getting it back on track.  I also ask if this winter was a critical juncture for the MBTA and the state, and whether significant long-term change will come about due to the mangled mess that passed as customer service.  Finally, I look at the long-term prospects of the MBTA including the possibility of Olympic-funded improvements and expansions.  </text>
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                <text>Damian Pietrus</text>
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                <text>The idea for this project stemmed from that fact that I was very interested in the oral histories of the 2013 Boston Marathon bombings. I had a very personal connection to the bombings as I have been a life-long resident of Boston, and I came up with the idea to interview people that I knew from Boston about their experiences of that time and combine these interviews into some type of artifact to both commemorate the tragedy but also serve as an outlet for people to have their stories told and heard. In order to do this, I interviewed seven people, and put quotations taken from these interviews onto a physical representation of the 2013 finish line that I created on a large piece of paper. I imagine the finish line to be very interactive, where a viewer would start with it being scrolled up, and then gradually unravel it while reading each quotation as they appeared. I organized the quotations to create a timeline of sorts, as the left side starts with what people were physically doing at the time that they found out about the bombs, and then progressed through the common themes of fear, initial reactions, anger, and then how they were dealing with it now two years later.</text>
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                <text>Deirbhile Martin</text>
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                <text>A Community Resource? An Examination of the Museum of Fine Arts’ Hours of Voluntary Admission Fee</text>
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                <text>Boston’s Museum of Fine Arts (MFA) is ranked as one of the “most comprehensive art museums in the world,” boasting a collection of nearly 450,000 works—ranging from Ancient Egyptian artifacts to pieces of Contemporary Art. Access to such an incredible institution does not come without a corresponding price, though. During most hours, a general admission ticket to the Museum costs $25 for an adult, which is not affordable for many visitors. Fortunately, the Museum has launched several initiatives to help make the MFA’s collection and programming more accessible. One of the oldest and most well known of these initiatives is their hours of voluntary admission fee: on Wednesday nights after 4pm, visitors can choose whether to make a contribution to the MFA during their visit or to simply enter the Museum for free. Offering hours of voluntary admission fee has furthered the MFA in its mission of “serving a wide variety of people through direct encounters with works of art” by providing an opportunity and an incentive for people from diverse geographical regions and of diverse socio-economic backgrounds to come together and learn from the Museum’s collection and programs. After almost 100 informal interviews with Boston residents and visitors to the MFA, four sessions of observations at the MFA, and an examination of data released by the MFA, I learned that this this initiative does not, however, advance another of goal of the MFA—“to benefit the City of Boston”—for primarily four reasons. First, the hours of voluntary admission fee do not benefit only residents of Boston. Similarly, they do not benefit only people who would otherwise face financial barriers to visiting the Museum. Furthermore, this initiative alone does not address other barriers some residents face to accessing the Museum (including the price of commuting to the museum, lack of flexibility in scheduling visits to the Museum, and a lack of awareness about opportunities to access the Museum.) Finally, the relatively busy hours of voluntary admission fee could possibly interfere with visitors’ ability to learn about or become interested in the MFA’s collection, which works against the Museum’s “ultimate aim...to encourage inquiry and to heighten public understanding and appreciation of the visual world.”&#13;
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                <text>A Place to Call Home: Policy Moving From Homelessness to Permanent Housing in Boston</text>
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                <text>Though homeless shelters are a vital part of the livelihood, and survival, of many of Boston’s homeless, bouncing in and out of shelters is nowhere near a long-term solution to the problem of homelessness, or a stable lifestyle for homeless individuals. Additionally, the homeless shelter system is in itself flawed, as the vast majority of a shelter’s resources are taken up by the same repeated guests. For these reasons, and many others which I discuss in my paper, I advocate that long-term and permanent housing are the best solutions for homelessness in Boston, and I cite specific examples from the policy of Pine Street Inn, Boston’s most legendary shelter which now devotes much of its resource pool to housing, and Homes for Families, which advocates for financially stable and humane housing for Boston’s homeless families. </text>
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                <text>Albert Li</text>
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                <text>The map shows that although there are segmented racial neighborhoods within South End, the association of social disorder and crime is not perfectly correlated with the presence of minorities. Overlaying the crime map with the race by census block map for percent white, we can see that at least one block that is over 60% white experienced the second highest level of crime, while one block that was less than 15% white experienced the lowest level of crime. This map, in comparison with the maps showing race, suggest that crime in Boston is probably dependent upon not just racial factors. The picture, in turn, was taken at a red-brick townhouse complex in a low-crime area near the intersection of W. Dedham Street and Washington Street, highlighting how this fixture of neighborhood safety has become an ornament, for appearance more than function.</text>
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