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                  <text>Final Projects Spring 2015</text>
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                <text>“Everything That Follows From Here On Out”: Choices in Writing the Walk in Sociology&#13;
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                <text>In my paper, I analyze the sociological use of the walk in a chapter of Small’s Villa Victoria by comparing it to other walks, including those of sociologists Robert Sampson and Elijah Anderson, Virginia Woolf’s walk in “Street Haunting: A London Adventure,” and the walk I took down Tremont Street. I start by contextualizing the walk and its mimetic difficulties with an overview of the tradition of writing about walks, which stretches from the Epic of Gilgamesh to contemporary novelists like Paul Auster. I then analyze the function of the walk in the work of Sampson and Anderson, before turning to Small to contrast his walk with that of these other sociologists. I end by highlighting the way in which Small is using the tools of literary nonfiction as outlined in Woolf’s essay to warn readers against the walk as sociological tool.</text>
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                <text>“She may ride forever ov’r the streets of Boston”: Exploring Boston’s Bus System</text>
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                <text>	In order to learn more about the different neighborhoods of Boston, I decided to study the people taking various bus routes from Harvard and record their demographics as well as their interactions with each other. I ended up taking the 86 to Sullivan Square Station, the 73 to Waverly Square, the 71 to Watertown Square, the 77 to Arlington Heights, and the 66 through to Dudley Station. I found that although the demographics of each bus ride clearly depend on the time one takes it, it’s still possible to notice certain trends at any time. The racial composition of each bus ride was fairly reflective of what is indicated by official census records in each neighborhood. Gender did not appear to matter and SES was hard to estimate from simply observing people. However, I was surprised at just how much age mattered. Although it wasn’t always the best predictor of what neighborhood we were traveling through, it often indicated information about the purpose of one’s bus trip (e.g. younger students, older retired people with time to travel during work hours, etc.). Also age factored into what people did on the bus (e.g. young people were more likely to use their phone while older people read hard copies of books or newspapers). Interactions among passengers were much more limited than I had expected and I was surprised at the stark contrast of these experiences to the times I have taken the sociable and loud T. The routes the buses take are far more residential and thus more likely to be a solitary activity. The T also appears to be taken more for fun while, based on the number of grocery bags I saw, buses are used for chores in addition to work or school. These bus commutes are worth studying since they isolate many of the variables that may get lost in the more hectic and tourist-filled T system. By further studying the people who are taking the bus and why they are doing so, not only could we learn more about each neighborhood, we could learn more about how each neighborhood interacts with others.</text>
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                <text>Virginia Marcus</text>
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                <text>&lt;p style="text-align:left;"&gt;MBTA: The Unfixable Behemoth&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>In my essay, I examine the MBTA and why it is broken both politically and infrastructure wise.  I examine and analyze why the record snowfall of 2015 led to such a collapse in service for an extended period of time while discussing some of the challenges to getting it back on track.  I also ask if this winter was a critical juncture for the MBTA and the state, and whether significant long-term change will come about due to the mangled mess that passed as customer service.  Finally, I look at the long-term prospects of the MBTA including the possibility of Olympic-funded improvements and expansions.  </text>
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                <text>Damian Pietrus</text>
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                <text>2013 Boston Marathon Bombings</text>
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                <text>The idea for this project stemmed from that fact that I was very interested in the oral histories of the 2013 Boston Marathon bombings. I had a very personal connection to the bombings as I have been a life-long resident of Boston, and I came up with the idea to interview people that I knew from Boston about their experiences of that time and combine these interviews into some type of artifact to both commemorate the tragedy but also serve as an outlet for people to have their stories told and heard. In order to do this, I interviewed seven people, and put quotations taken from these interviews onto a physical representation of the 2013 finish line that I created on a large piece of paper. I imagine the finish line to be very interactive, where a viewer would start with it being scrolled up, and then gradually unravel it while reading each quotation as they appeared. I organized the quotations to create a timeline of sorts, as the left side starts with what people were physically doing at the time that they found out about the bombs, and then progressed through the common themes of fear, initial reactions, anger, and then how they were dealing with it now two years later.</text>
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                <text>Deirbhile Martin</text>
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                <text>A Community Resource? An Examination of the Museum of Fine Arts’ Hours of Voluntary Admission Fee</text>
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                <text>Boston’s Museum of Fine Arts (MFA) is ranked as one of the “most comprehensive art museums in the world,” boasting a collection of nearly 450,000 works—ranging from Ancient Egyptian artifacts to pieces of Contemporary Art. Access to such an incredible institution does not come without a corresponding price, though. During most hours, a general admission ticket to the Museum costs $25 for an adult, which is not affordable for many visitors. Fortunately, the Museum has launched several initiatives to help make the MFA’s collection and programming more accessible. One of the oldest and most well known of these initiatives is their hours of voluntary admission fee: on Wednesday nights after 4pm, visitors can choose whether to make a contribution to the MFA during their visit or to simply enter the Museum for free. Offering hours of voluntary admission fee has furthered the MFA in its mission of “serving a wide variety of people through direct encounters with works of art” by providing an opportunity and an incentive for people from diverse geographical regions and of diverse socio-economic backgrounds to come together and learn from the Museum’s collection and programs. After almost 100 informal interviews with Boston residents and visitors to the MFA, four sessions of observations at the MFA, and an examination of data released by the MFA, I learned that this this initiative does not, however, advance another of goal of the MFA—“to benefit the City of Boston”—for primarily four reasons. First, the hours of voluntary admission fee do not benefit only residents of Boston. Similarly, they do not benefit only people who would otherwise face financial barriers to visiting the Museum. Furthermore, this initiative alone does not address other barriers some residents face to accessing the Museum (including the price of commuting to the museum, lack of flexibility in scheduling visits to the Museum, and a lack of awareness about opportunities to access the Museum.) Finally, the relatively busy hours of voluntary admission fee could possibly interfere with visitors’ ability to learn about or become interested in the MFA’s collection, which works against the Museum’s “ultimate aim...to encourage inquiry and to heighten public understanding and appreciation of the visual world.”&#13;
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                <text>A Place to Call Home: Policy Moving From Homelessness to Permanent Housing in Boston</text>
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                <text>Though homeless shelters are a vital part of the livelihood, and survival, of many of Boston’s homeless, bouncing in and out of shelters is nowhere near a long-term solution to the problem of homelessness, or a stable lifestyle for homeless individuals. Additionally, the homeless shelter system is in itself flawed, as the vast majority of a shelter’s resources are taken up by the same repeated guests. For these reasons, and many others which I discuss in my paper, I advocate that long-term and permanent housing are the best solutions for homelessness in Boston, and I cite specific examples from the policy of Pine Street Inn, Boston’s most legendary shelter which now devotes much of its resource pool to housing, and Homes for Families, which advocates for financially stable and humane housing for Boston’s homeless families. </text>
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                <text>An Investigation of College Students in the Greater Boston Area: How Frequency of Interactions With the City Shape Students’ Social Lives &#13;
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                <text>Although college students make up 9.98% of the average United States metro area population, college students comprise over 40% of the Boston metro area population. With over 50 colleges and universities located in the greater Boston area, and since students account for such a sizeable percentage of the overall population and surrounding areas, college students in the Boston area find themselves in close proximity to myriad other college students--providing opportunities for varied social interaction both with the city itself and each other. I explore how college students in the Greater Boston Area interact with the city of Boston, how this differs by school, and how these findings shape students’ overall “view” of the city through interviewing four students (one from BU, BC, Harvard MIT) and providing structure for further research. Overall, Boston serves as a bridge for its college students’ social interactions; a centralized platform through which students across universities engage in activities ranging from a Harvard student meeting a friend from Boston College at Cafeteria for dinner, attending a Red Sox game on a Monday night, bar hopping with friends for a 21st birthday, visiting the Institute of Contemporary Art, and so much more.</text>
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                <text>Caitlin Begg</text>
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                <text>Boston Busing and Desegregation: An Examination of this Topic’s Inclusion in the Boston Public Schools Curriculum</text>
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                <text>This paper discusses the recent addition of the topic of Boston’s court-ordered desegregation and the resulting busing riots into the Boston Public Schools history and social studies curriculum. It examines the reasons why the topic was not previously included, the factors that led to its present inclusion, and the reactions of teachers and parents. The paper also looks at the potential long-term impacts of the curriculum addition and makes suggestions for its improvement in the future. It draws on interviews with teachers, community leaders, and members of the BPS history department.</text>
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                  <text>Final Projects Spring 2015</text>
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                <text>This project explores the character of the Boston riverfront through a look into the history of select rivefront buildings and their architecture. A photographic survey was conducted via kayak from Beacon Hill through Allston, from these images the luxury condominium building 180 Beacon Street, Boston University’s 725 Commonwealth Avenue, Genzyzme’s Allston Landing manufacturing plant, and Harvard Business School’s Tata Hall were selected for further discussion. These buildings are all relatively recent (&lt;100 years) additions to the Boston skyline, and each tell an interesting story about what was, and what could have been in their place.</text>
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                <text>Boston: A “Gay Haven”?</text>
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                <text>Massachusetts is well-known for leading the nation in revolutions, from its role in Independence from the British to its being the first state to legalize gay marriage in 2004. The gay rights revolution is a relatively new social revolution, and Massachusetts’ early start in showing support towards the gay community has earned Boston the reputation of being a “gay haven,” attracting young gay and lesbian adults to the area, helping Boston economically and intellectually. However, is Boston really a “gay haven”? Which sites have helped it earn such a reputation? Furthermore, Boston has a diverse populous of Blacks, Latinos, Hispanics, Asians, Irish, and other ethnicities that are often marginalized in society. Are marginalized people equally represented in LGBTQ sites, which pride themselves on being an accepting place for all types of people? Or has the movement become white-washed and catered to the strong presence of white, middle-aged, middle-to-upper class homosexual men? For this project, I visited four different bars throughout Boston, in Dorchester, Fenway, and the Downtown Boston area. I examine the presence of racial or gender-based segregation in these sites, as well as whether they and their surroundings seem welcoming to LGBTQ-identifying youth.&#13;
	Attached area few pictures. The first is a map of the gay bars in Boston. There are a handful of bars in Boston Proper, but Dorchester is the only of its suburbs to have even a single gay bar. The second is a picture of the side of dbar which is facing towards the street. The blinds are drawn, the door is permanently shut, and its surroundings are desolate, on a Saturday night at midnight. And the third is a picture of the hallway leading to the bathrooms at Club Café, which I found to be the most diverse and welcoming of the bars I visited. This hallway looks almost as if it belongs to another building. The first door is to the men’s room while the second is to the women’s room. In most establishments women’s rooms are located closer for convenience, but this establishment reverses that, revealing its focus on attracting male patrons. Women would have to walk down this sketchy hallway in order to use the restrooms.&#13;
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                <text>Elliot Silva</text>
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